Friday, 2 September 2011

PROJECT Belonging: Photo montages of Sri Lankans living in Switzerland

This project intends to share personal stories and anecdotes of people who would otherwise be categorised into a generic migrant community; a glimpse into the lives of these people which could break down stereotypes and facilitate co-existence with not only the host community but also with other migrant communities. The project also hopes to enable a deeper understanding within the Sri Lankan diaspora particularly as a reconciliatory step towards bringing the Sinhalese, Tamil and Muslim populations together.

To view photo Montage, The Entrepreneur

Saturday, 19 March 2011

a grain of sand: Granito

The scorched earth campaign to exterminate the Mayans during Guatemala’s 36 year civil war, spearheaded by General Rios Montt, dictator and military leader, responsible for massacres, rape and torture, was found by a UN backed Truth Commission to be an act of deliberate genocide. Pamela Yates’ documentary film ‘When the Mountains Tremble’ and its outtakes narrated by Nobel laureate Rigoberta Menchú are being used 26 years later as forensic evidence. It has resulted in an indictment for Montt on grounds of genocide in a case brought by Menchú herself. ‘Granito: how to nail a dictator’ documents this process and the role of documentary filmmaking in recording evidence, opening up new means of redress for human rights abuses around the world and in the specific context of Sri Lanka, where the evidence of abuses of its civil war remain scattered across the globe.

Trailer on Youtube

Listen to Pamela Yates on the weekly podcast of the International Centre for Transitional Justice (ICTJ)

Photo credit: Jean-Marie Simon

Tuesday, 7 December 2010

a step towards creating alternative dialogue through short/ documentary films within the Tamil diaspora

Tanuja Thurairajah

The calm waters ripple; the clear blue skies are ripped apart by distant gunfire. The opening frames of 'A mango tree in the front yard' sets a premonitive mood to the film about to unravel. Simple, stark and uncomplicated in its delivery, Pradeepan Raveendran's short film captures the essence of the key actors behind the war and the peoples who are caught within. Each frame consists of symbols of a generic war but many nuances are quite specific in its relation to the Sri Lankan context. His second short film 'Shadows of Silence' highlights his directorial growth and deep insight into an innate element of the Tamil diaspora; depression and disillusionement.The symbolic imagery is strong and provacative and succinctly highlights issues which are commonly found in most first generation migrants; a portrait of loneliness, sexual repression and worthlessness.
Leena Manimekalai's documentaries 'Altar' and her more recent 'Goddesses' are powerful brushstrokes on an eroding social fabric which form the backdrop to the lives of the woman protagonists who are personifications of incredible resilience and inner strength. 'Altar' speaks of the custom of child marriage and polygamy within the Kambalathu Naicker community in Central Tamil Nadu providing a stark insight into repressive practices in the name of culture and custom. 'Goddesses', which won the Golden Conch at the Mumbai International Film Festival on the other hand is a celebration of strength and integrity of three remarkable women easing the audience into an aura of positivity and hope.

Sumathy Sivamohan's 'Oranges' explores relations between a Tamil woman and a Sinhalese man played on the backdrop of an encroaching war. Her portrayal of a middle class woman in an urban context lends an interesting dimension that breaks the stereotypical perception of the affects of the conflict as usually contained to the war ravaged areas of the North and East. The contiguous portrayal of archival shots of historical events spark off painful memories of devastation and human loss.

These films were screened recently in Zurich to a mixed audience of Swiss/Europeans and Sri Lankans many of whom were Tamils with a view of opening up dialogue and initiating an environment for an alternative culture of expression. The 47,000 Sri Lankan Tamils living in Switzerland which was at one point an important fundraising hub of the LTTE has a very inactive and fragmented diaspora population in comparison to their counterparts, for example in the UK or Canada. The post-war scenario has positive vibrations that must also spread to such diaspora communities to open up healthy and alternative dialogue. As a small step towards this the first screening of the above mentioned films was held at the Kino UTO organised by the Ahara Alternative Cultural Circle, a group comprising of like-minded individuals and social activists, on August 29, 2010. The brief discussion which followed was facilitated by the organisers and Director Pradeepan Raveendran, concentrated mostly on the interpretation of the short films, especially in terms of 'A mango tree in the front yard' which was screened at the 59th Berlin International Film Festival for the Berlinale Shorts competition. This short film created many questions in the minds of some of the audience who were unaware of the background and consequences of the specific context of conflict in Sri Lanka. This should be deemed as a positive aspect in terms of the role of the short film and its storyline even though on a very technical level there is room for it being interpreted as a shortcoming. A short film is a very restricted but powerful mode of cinema and moving beyond the question of whether it carries a message, its effectivity should be essentially measured in terms of the feel or emotions it succeeds in creating and in arousing the desire to be more informed about the specific context in which it is set.

The second screening, presented by a multicultural theatre group, MAXIM Theatre in Zurich on September 25, 2010 saw more Sri Lankan Tamils in its audience. The short films by Pradeepan Raveendran as well as Lisa Kois' documentary film, 'The Art of Forgetting' created an intense and interesting exchange of views on many issues which arose from the films, once again facilitated by the organisers and Director Pradeepan Raveendran who was present on that day. 'Shadows of Silence' which was premiered at the prestigious Directors Fortnight of the Cannes Film Festival in 2010, created a very strong impact on some of the young, second generation members in the audience who took home with them many questions of life in exile and the future of the diaspora. Lisa Kois' documentary which was shot between 2002 to 2005, 'uses the power of memory to break through the silence and anonymity that characterises dominant discourses of war'. In the post-war context the issues that are brought out by this film has immense topical relevance. One of the tag lines used in the film 'Some say there are two stories in Sri Lanka...the story of the North and the story of the South' characterises a very dominant reality in the history and the future of the peoples of Sri Lanka and the need and the inability of a political and democratic environment that necessitates a process of rememberance. One of the statements at the discussion again from a second generation youth, 'I did not realise that the Sinhalese people had suffered a lot too' lent an interesting insight into how information on the history of conflict and suffering is transfered to second and third generation diaspora which ultimately creates intransigent opinions and a misinformed generation.

Documentary and short film genres are new to the consumption trend of the Tamil speaking masses both in Sri Lanka and in the diaspora mostly due to a severe shortage of Tamil cinematic productions of this genre. In this context the Tamil speaking audiences have become ready consumers of South Indian cinema churned out of a thriving film industry, changing and dominating the consumption patterns of the masses. The initial problem lies when people fail to open up to the experience of such film genres which would enable a gradually process of familiarisation and appreciation of an alternative film culture which presents a part of reality through documentary films or in terms of short films, a sliver of fiction and reality cleverly juxtaposed.

Courtesy:, November 2010

Thursday, 18 November 2010


Essay from Issue N° 1 of DISSENTING DIALOGUES*

Rohini Hensman
is a writer and researcher who was born and brought up in Sri Lanka, which is the setting for her second novel, Playing Lions and Tigers. She lives in Bombay and has been active in the trade union and women's liberation movements, as well as anti-war campaigns and struggles against the oppression of religious and ethnic minorities in India and Sri Lanka. Her publications include books and numerous articles on these issues.

Anyone who was expecting that democracy would be restored in Sri Lanka after the end of the war last May, would have been sadly disappointed. Not only were the various curbs on democratic rights and liberties retained, there were further assaults on them.

The internment of about 280,000 internally displaced persons in camps for months on end, violating their right to freedom of movement as well as other fundamental rights,was the first ominous sign.Continued attacks on freedom of expression, which gathered pace in the run-up to the presidential election in January 2010, was another. The way in which the election was conducted, and the arrest of opposition candidate Sarath Fonseka after it ended, marked an erosion of the right to elect one’s representatives in free and fair elections. This was further eroded in the April 2010 parliamentary elections and by the convictions of Fonseka in kangaroo courts, as a result of which he was stripped of his rank, honours, pension and parliamentary seat, and sentenced to rigorous imprisonment. The passage of the 18th Amendment, which not only nullifies the democratic safeguards of the 17th Amendment but also abolishes the two-term limit on the executive presidency, marks a new low in Sri Lanka’s postindependence history.

Unless we conduct our own exercise to understand how we ended up in this unenviable position and chalk out what we can do to get out of it, there is every reason to believe that the limited democratic space that still remains will gradually be shut down. Let us start with what we can learn from the passage of the 18th Amendment.

Absolute power

If a referendum were to be conducted asking the people of Sri Lanka whether it is or is not a good idea to give someone absolute power for life to commit any crime whatsoever with impunity, it is fairly certain that the majority would say: “No, it is not a good idea.” So how was such an amendment passed in parliament? How did the Supreme Court allow such a momentous bill to be rushed through without adequate discussion or debate?

One can only conclude that those who supported the amendment in parliament do not represent the people, and the Supreme Court judges who allowed the amendment to be rushed through did not carry out their duty of safeguarding the fundamental rights of the people. But how did these politicians and judges justify acting in this way? Some, clearly, were sycophants who would do anything to curry favour with the powers-that-be. But there were others who might have been capable of acting in a more principled manner, yet chose to bow down before the regime because they feared adverse consequences if they refused to do so.

These people in positions of relative power who nonetheless failed to take a stand against increasing state authoritarianism are reminiscent of the four judges whose stories are told in Stanley Kramer’s 1961 film, Judgment at Nuremberg, a fictionalised account of the post-World War II Nuremberg Trials. One character, judge Ernst Janning, was once a champion of justice, yet played a major role in turning the German legal system into an instrument of Nazism How could these eminent and apparently decent men have been complicit in the ghastly atrocities committed by the Nazi regime? The mystery is solved only when Janning makes a statement, showing how actions, which at first seemed trivial and innocuous – like swearing an oath of allegiance to the Nazis – led to deeper and deeper entanglement with the regime. Even when the full horror of Hitler’s agenda became clear to them, they justified staying at their posts with the argument that they were trying to prevent matters from getting even worse.

It appears that some of the opposition politicians who voted for the 18th Amendment, including those of the Socialist Alliance, did so for similar reasons: fearing that if they opposed the regime, their party would split or they would not be able to satisfy the needs of their constituents. It is possible that the Supreme Court judges feared they would be removed from office if they refused to allow the amendment to be rushed through as an urgent bill. Perhaps these judges and politicians felt that by staying at their posts, they could prevent matters from getting even worse. But for the judges in Nazi Germany, that turned out to be a delusion. What would really have prevented matters from getting worse would have been clear opposition to the fascist transformation of the state and society, but that was the course they did not take. Had the Sri Lankan judges insisted on a thorough debate plus passage in provincial councils and a referendum, had all the MPs from opposition parties voted against the amendment, it would have been defeated, and that would have prevented matters from getting even worse in Sri Lanka. But that was the course they did not take.

The United National Party did not vote for the amendment, but it did not vote and argue against it in parliament e i t h e r. Opposition leader Ranil Wickremesinghe has been criticised for being absent at the debate on the 18th Amendment, but what could he possibly have said that would not have sounded hypocritical? As a member of J. R. Jayawardene’s and Ranasinghe Premadasa’s UNP governments, he participated in their assaults on democracy – the 1978 Constitution, which introduced the authoritarian executive presidency, and the rigged 1982 referendum and subsequent rigged elections – and the horrors they perpetrated, including the anti-Tamil pogrom of 1983 and the torture and extrajudicial killings of Sinhalese in the late 1980s. Later, as leader of the opposition, Wickremesinghe sabotaged the constitutional proposal of 2000 (which would have made the 18th Amendment impossible if it had gone through), and played a negative role in the All Party Representative Committee process, which was aimed at democratising the state. Under his leadership, the UNP’s failure to stand for anything but a desire for power has meant a steady haemorrhage of defectors to the ruling alliance where the real power lies.The role of the UNP in eroding democracy and then blocking attempts to restore it helped to push the amendment through.

Civil society must rebuild democracy 

There is a lesson here for civil society supporters of democracy: we cannot rely on the political leadership or even the judiciary to uphold the rule of law and democratic principles. On this occasion, MPs of the Tamil National Alliance and Democratic National Alliance/Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna voted and spoke against the amendment, and for that we must be grateful to them. But as of now, we cannot count on them to be the standardbearers of democracy in Sri Lanka. We need not go into the distant past to find occasions on which the JVP and Fonseka articulated Sinhala nationalist positions, nor did we see the TNA criticise the totalitarian politics of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam – even when it was holding hundreds of thousands of Tamil civilians hostage. Both Sinhala and Tamil nationalism have been responsible for the disastrous erosion of a democratic culture in Sri Lanka, and that process cannot be reversed unless and until there is an explicit critique of both by those who adhered to these ideologies.

So if we cannot rely on political leaders, where does that leave us? Perhaps the answer can be found in anotherv film about Germany, Alexander Kluge’s 1979 film, Die Patriotin (The Female Patriot). It follows Gabi Teichert, a history teacher, as she explores the reasons why she is so dissatisfied with the German history she has to teach. One of the conclusions she comes to is that it is the history itself that is unsatisfactory, and that everyone, no matter how humble, is involved in making history by his or her acts of commission and omission. While Kramer’s film offers an American view of how relatively powerful Germans contributed to Nazism by going along with it, Kluge shows how ordinary people could also have made difference by organising against the Nazi regime before it became so powerful that opposition was almost certain to result in death.

There are already people who have been penalised savagely for criticising or opposing the authoritarian policies of President Mahinda Rajapaksa’s regime, and some have even been killed. Under these circumstances, it certainly requires courage to take a principled stand and face the consequences. But the danger to each individual is reduced as the number of opponents rises, especially if they are organised. Isolated individuals can be picked off relatively easily, and if this has the desired result of terrorising the rest into passivity or compliance, then the strategy of repression has succeeded. The alternative is for large numbers of people to resist the growing totalitarianism in small ways that add up to make a significant difference. A totalitarian state cannot survive for long if civil society refuses to allow its democratic relationships and organisations to be destroyed. If a partial destruction has already taken place, then rebuilding has to start from below. Identifying ways in which this can be done would be the aim of our Lessons Learnt exercise.


       Rohini Hensman

           Tisaranee Gunasekara

               Wasana Punyasena

      Kevin Shimmin


MUSLIMS          SLDF London Chapter


Ahilan Kadirgamar

*dissenting dialogues is a social justice magazine that seeks to expand the space for dissent and critical dialogue on Sri Lanka. The magazine is currently facilitated by the Sri Lanka Democracy Forum with participation and contributions by others committed to a just, plural and democratic Sri Lanka. e-mail to:

Tuesday, 19 October 2010

Let's start a new Journey!

Sri Lanka Democracy Forum (SLDF) and the Sri Lanka Islamic Forum-UK (SLIF-UK)
invite you to a public discussion on

Saturday 30 October from 2- 5 pm

Tamil - Muslim Relations: After 20 years of Expulsion of Northern Muslims

The venue:
Conference Room
3rd Floor, Berkeley Business Centre
44 Broadway, Stratford, London, E15 1XH
(nearest tube station: Stratford )

Panel discussion will be chaired by Najah Mohamed


1.Riza Yehiya and
2.Chinniah Rajeshkumar
3. Rajendran Ramamoorthy

Guest Speaker :

Ustaz.Hajjul Akbar (Sri Lanka)
The Return of the Northern Muslims

Rebuilding damaged relations between communities is fundamental for peace, reconciliation, and economic and political development; it is also key to resolving many of the questions facing Sri Lanka today, such as questions of democracy, justice and minority rights. How do we achieve this, after long-held attitudes have become entrenched by the conflict and there is no on-going effort at present, either by the State or civil society organisations to diffuse this situation and bring communities together?

While communities continue to remain polarised new developments are taking place at a rapid pace, and the fear is that this could only widen the misunderstandings between communities. The processes of return, resettlement and the rebuilding of community relations are inextricably intertwined. The resettlement question and return have to be viewed as being part of the process of rebuilding inter-community relations.

It is in this context we remember the eviction of the northern Muslims who were expelled from the northern province, in this month, October, exactly 20 years ago. They have languished in refugee camps in Puttalam while their neighbourhoods that they lived in the north for centuries have gradually lost all physical and cultural traces of their presence and history.

It is important to emphasise the positives of “Return” rather than dwell on the negatives. As such, it is important to recognise the right of the various IDP communities to return, and on the basis of this right of return, look at opportunities to turn the process of return to facilitate better community relations.

A campaign for the speedy return of northern Muslims is just and urgent and should be taken up as a challenge by all those campaigning for peace, democracy and justice in Sri Lanka.

The meeting will be held in Tamil. A Tamil leaflet is to follow.

Nirmala Rajasingam
SLDF Steering Committee member

Sunday, 20 June 2010

nobody's people: World Refugee Day 2010

by Tanuja Thurairajah

''There were 43.3 million forcibly displaced people worldwide at the end of 2009, the highest number since the mid-1990s. Of these, 15.2 million were refugees; 10.4 million who fell under UNHCR’s responsibility and 4.8 million Palestinian refugees under UNRWA’s mandate. The figure also includes 983,000 asylum seekers and 27.1 million internally displaced persons (IDPs)1.''

Today is World Refugee Day. A day to commemorate the reasons for continued cyles of displacement and loss of dignity. A day to remember that conflicts erase identities, constantly changing the social fabric of the world creating multi-cultural societies, identity politics and opening up fragmented and dispersed modes of conflict. The process of forced displacement or migration as a characteristic of human behaviour may have undergone changes in terms of patterns of displacement but it has been and always will be an excruciating and dehumanising process of vulnerability and rejection.

Statistics, theories and analyses of the phenomenon of displacement put aside, it is the human stories that seem to convulse the inner conscience of humanity. The story of Mehmet a young mother and her two daughters who survived an ardous and dangerous journey through land and sea from Eritrea leaving behind her husband in uncertain times, the story of Ravi from Sri Lanka who hid in a goods container crossing through Russia during the bitter cold winter or would it be the story of Mohammed and his teenage son who escaped from Afghanistan to establish a new life so that his wife could join him to saftey? But as these stories fade away and new stories emerge multiplying human suffering the degeneration of conflict becomes manifest and perhaps the continuous dissemination of such stories might be our last resort in appealing to the conscience of humanity.

2009 Global Trends: Refugees, Asylum-seekers, Returnees, Internally Displaced and Stateless Persons, UNHCR Report 2010

Photo courtesy: East Asia Forum

Saturday, 19 June 2010

OPINION: what is happening here? - a poem by Thamizhpodiyan

என்ன நடக்குது இங்க?

என்ன நடக்குது இங்க?
எங்களுக்கு ஒண்டும் விளங்கயில்ல...
யாருக்கேனும் தெரிஞ்சா சொல்லுங்கோ...

மே 18 இக்கு பிறகு எல்லாம் தலைகீழா தெரியுது எங்களுக்கு...
ஒண்டு நாங்கள் தலைகிழா நிக்கிறோமா?-இல்லை
எல்லாம் தலைகீழா நடக்குதோ?

என்ன நடக்குது இங்க?
எங்களுக்கு ஒண்டும் விளங்கயில்ல...
யாருக்கேனும் தெரிஞ்சா சொல்லுங்கோ...

புலம்பெயர் தேசத்தில எல்லாமே புதிரா இருக்குது
புரிஞ்சு கொள்ள புத்தி மட்டாக்கிடக்குது
புதுசு புதுசா கனக்க முளைக்குது
எது விதை?எது களை எண்டு எவருக்கேனும் தெரியுமோ?

என்ன நடக்குது இங்க?
எங்களுக்கு ஒண்டும் விளங்கயில்ல...
யாருக்கேனும் தெரிஞ்சா சொல்லுங்கோ...

தமிழர் பேரவை என்றோம்
உலகமெல்லாம் தமிழர் ஒருகுடை என்றோம்
ஓங்கி குரல் கொடுப்போம் என்றோம்
தோள் கொடுத்தோம்.

வட்டுக்கோட்டை என்றோம்
தமிழீழ தனியரசு என்றோம்

நாடு கடந்த அரசு என்றோம்
மதினுட்ப அரசியல் சாணக்கியம் என்றோம்
அதுக்கும் வாக்குப்போட்டம்.

இப்ப மக்களவை எண்டுகினம்????
எத்தின தரம் தேர்தல் வைக்கிறது?
எத்தின தரம் மக்கள் பிரதிநிதிகளை தேர்ந்தெடுக்கிறது?

என்ன நடக்குது இங்க?
எனக்கொண்டும் விளங்கயில்ல...
யாருக்கேனும் தெரிஞ்சா சொல்லுங்கோ..

பேரவையை கூட்டினது உலகத்தமிழர் பேரவை
வட்டுக்கோட்டையை செய்தது தமிழீழ நலன் விரும்பிகள்
நாடு கடந்த அரசை செய்தது மதியுரைக்குழு
மக்களவையை செய்யுறது யார்?

என்ன நடக்குது இங்க?
எங்களுக்கு ஒண்டும் விளங்கயில்ல...
யாருக்கேனும் தெரிஞ்சா சொல்லுங்கோ...

மக்களவை நாடுகடந்த அரசின்ர அடித்தளம் எண்டுகினம்
ஆணிவேர் எண்டுகினம்
பக்க பலம் எண்டுகினம்
இரட்டைக்குழல் துப்பாக்கி எண்டுகினம்
நாடு கடந்த தமிழீழ அரசின் தூண் எண்டுகினம்

அடித்தளமும் ஆணிவேரும் தூணும் இல்லாமலா
நாடு கடந்த அரசு அமைத்தார்கள்?
கேக்கிறவன் கேணையன் எண்டால் கேப்பையிலும் பால் வழியும்
எண்ட பழமொழிதான் ஞாபகம் வருது....

என்ன நடக்குது இங்க?
எங்களுக்கு ஒண்டும் விளங்கயில்ல...
யாருக்கேனும் தெரிஞ்சா சொல்லுங்கோ...

பேரவை,வட்டுக்கோட்டை,நாடு கடந்த அரசு 
செய்ய வேண்டிய வேலை கனக்க கிடக்கு
ஒண்டுக்கு மூண்டு கிடக்கு
பிறகேன் மக்களவை?

என்ன நடக்குது இங்க?
எங்களுக்கு ஒண்டும் விளங்கயில்ல...
யாருக்கேனும் தெரிஞ்சா சொல்லுங்கோ...

மே 18 இக்கு பிறகு
கே.பி எண்டினம்
இல்லை கஸ்ரோ எண்டினம்
முதல்ல கே.பி துரோகி ஆனார்.
பிறகு கஸ்ரோ துரோகி ஆனார்.

என்ன நடக்குது இங்க?
எனக்கொண்டும் விளங்கயில்ல...
யாருக்கேனும் தெரிஞ்சா சொல்லுங்கோ..

சிலர் ஆய்வு செய்கினம்
சிலர் கட்டுரை எழுதுகினம்
சிலர் கவிதை எழுதுகினம்
சிலர் ஈ மெயில் அனுப்புகினம்
இதுவா 4ம் கட்ட ஈழப்போர்?

என்ன நடக்குது இங்க?
எங்களுக்கு ஒண்டும் விளங்கயில்ல...
யாருக்கேனும் தெரிஞ்சா சொல்லுங்கோ...

கே.பி குறூப் எண்டு ஒண்டு
கஸ்ரோ குறூப் எண்டு ஒண்டு
இப்ப நோர்வே குறூப் எண்டு இன்னொண்டாம்!!!
"அண்ணை இருக்கிறார்.வருவார்" எண்டு இன்னொரு குறூப்.
யார் எண்டு சொல்லமாட்டம் ,காலம் வரும் வெளிப்படுவம் எண்டு இன்னொரு குறூப்.
அப்பிடியெண்டா நாங்கள் எந்தக்குறூப்?
தமிழ் மக்கள் எந்தக் குறூப்?

என்ன நடக்குது இங்க?
எங்களுக்கு ஒண்டும் விளங்கயில்ல...
யாருக்கேனும் தெரிஞ்சா சொல்லுங்கோ...

ஒரு நேர உணவுக்கும் வழியில்லை
கற்பை காக்கவும் வேலியில்லை
நிம்மதியாய் படுத்துறங்கவும் பாயில்லை
நித்திரையே இல்லை
பொழுது விடியுமா என்ற ஏக்கம்
விடிந்தாலும் உயிரோடு இருப்போமா என்ற ஏக்கம்
வீடும் இல்லை, தாலியும் இல்லை,குங்குமம் இல்லை.

நிம்மதியாய் பொழுது விடிதலும் ஒரு நேர உணவும் தான் எங்கள் உறவுகளுக்கு இப்போது தமிழீழம்...!!!
கோவணத்துக்கே வழியில்லாமல் ஒட்டிய வயிறோடு உறவுகள் அங்கே......

இங்க என்ன நடக்குது
எங்களுக்கு ஒண்டும் விளங்கயில்ல...
யாருக்கேனும் தெரிஞ்சா சொல்லுங்கோ...

சிலர் ஆய்வு செய்கினம்
சிலர் கட்டுரை எழுதுகினம்
சிலர் கவிதை எழுதுகினம்
சிலர் ஈ மெயில் அனுப்புகினம்
இதுவா 4ம் கட்ட ஈழப்போர்?

சாதாரண அப்பாவித்தமிழர் நாங்கள்
தெளிவாக குழம்பிப்போய் இருக்கிறம்
குழம்பாமல் தெளிவா இருக்கிறவை 
விளக்கமா தெளிவுபடுத்துங்கோ

எவர் வேண்டுமானாலும் பேசலாம்
என்ன வேண்டுமானலும் செய்யலாம்
எதை வேண்டுமானாலும் எழுதலாம்

என்ன நடக்குது இங்க?
எனக்கொண்டும் விளங்கயில்லை
யாருக்கேனும் தெரிஞ்சா சொல்லுங்கோ...

இதையெல்லாம் எழுதும் அருகதையும் யோக்கியமும் தகுதியும் எங்களுக்கு இல்லைத்தான் - ஆனால் எழுதும் வல்லமை திராணி இருக்கிறது.
இதை சொல்லும் எங்களை ஒநாய் என்றும் துரோகி என்றும் 
பதிவு செய்யலாம்,சொல்லலாம்.

எல்லோரும் மக்களின் உணர்வுகளையும் எழுச்சியையும் நம்பியே வண்டி ஓட்டுகிறோம்.
உணர்வுகள் மழுங்கடிக்கப்படும் போது, இல்லை எழுச்சி சிதறடிக்கப்படும் போது
மக்கள் விழித்துக்கொள்ளுவர்.
அப்போது தைரியமாய் மக்களின் கேள்விகளை யார் எதிர்கொள்கிறார்களோ?
அவர்களே பிழைத்துக்கொள்வர்.
மற்றவரெல்லாம் காணாமல் போவர்.

இலட்சியம் ஒன்று,நோக்கம் ஒன்று,போகும் இடமும் ஒன்று தான் - ஆனால்
போகும் பாதைகள் தான் வேறு வேறு என்கிறார்கள்
எத்தனை நாளைக்குத்தான் இந்த செப்படி வித்தை?

என்ன நடக்குது இங்க?
எங்களுக்கு ஒண்டும் விளங்கயில்ல...
யாருக்கேனும் தெரிஞ்சா சொல்லுங்கோ...

தொலைந்து போன தமிழனின் விடுதலை விதையை
பட்டப்பகலில் சூரிய ஒளியில் இலகுவாய் தேடாமல்
நட்ட நடு இரவில் ஆளுக்கொரு திசையில் குருட்டு வெளிச்சத்தில் தேடுகிறோம்.
நாங்கள் எல்லோரும் ஒன்றாக நிற்கிறோம்
ஒற்றுமையும் ஒருங்கிணைப்பும் அநாதைகளாக நின்று அழுகின்றன.

என்ன நடக்குது இங்க?
எனக்கொண்டும் விளங்கயில்லை
யாருக்கேனும் தெரிஞ்சா சொல்லுங்கோ...

ஒன்றுபட்ட தமிழினம் உருக்குலைஞ்சு போவதைப்பார்த்து
சிங்களவன் வேடிக்கை பார்த்து சிரிக்கிறான்.
எங்களின் தலைகளில் நாங்களே மண்ணை அள்ளிப்போடுவதைப் பார்த்து
எள்ளி நகையாடி எக்காளமிடுகிறான் ராஜபக்ச.!
பேரவை என்றும்,நாடுகடந்த அரசு எண்டும்,வட்டுக்கோட்டை எண்டும் உடைந்து கிடக்கிறது புலம்பெயர் தமிழினம்
விழுந்தவனை மீண்டும் ஏறி மிதிக்கவா இன்னொரு தேர்தலும்?மக்களவையும்?

முடிஞ்சா இருக்கிற வீட்டை பலப்படுத்துங்கோ
அத்திவாரம் சரியில்லை,தூணுகள் சரியில்லை எண்டு 
இருக்கிற வீட்டை இடித்துவிட்டு இன்னொரு வீட்டை கட்ட வேண்டாம்.
ஏற்கனவே வீடு கட்ட நிறைய செலவு செய்தாச்சு.
அத்திவாரம் போடுறம் எண்டும்,தூணுகள் கட்டுறம் எண்டும்
இருக்கிற வீட்டை உடைக்க வேண்டாம்?

என்ன நடக்குது இங்க?
எங்களுக்கு ஒண்டும் விளங்கயில்ல...
யாருக்கேனும் தெரிஞ்சா சொல்லுங்கோ...

அண்ணை இருக்கிறார் எண்ட ஒரு துளி நம்பிக்கை இருந்தது 
இப்ப அதுவும் இல்லை..!!!
புலம்பெயர் தேசத்து பிச்சல்களும் புடுங்கல்களும்தான் இந்த நம்பிக்கையீனத்துக்கு காரணம்.
கழுத்தறுப்புகளும்,காட்டிக்கொடுத்தல்களும்,பழிவாங்கல்களும் அண்ணையின் இருப்பை கேள்விக்குறியாக்குகின்றன.!

கிண்டி கிழறப்பட்ட துயிலும் இல்ல எலும்புக்கூடுகளின் நடுவே...!!!
வீரமரணம் அடைந்த தீபன் அண்ணை,விதுசா அக்கா,துர்க்கா அக்கா,சாள்ஸ் அன்டனி,சொர்ணம் அண்ணையின் சாம்பல்களுக்கு நடுவே...!!!
அண்ணையையும் தேடுகிறோம்......
விம்மி வெடிக்கும் நெஞ்சோடு...
குருதி வடியும் கண்களோடு...

ஆனால் அண்ணை உயிரோடுதான் இருக்கிறார்
எங்களின் வீடுகளின் சுவர்களில் கம்பீரமாக படமாக....!!!!

கேள்வி கேட்பவர்களையெல்லாம் துரோகிகள் ஆக்கும்
குறூப்பிடம் எங்களின் பெயர்களையும் பரிந்துரையுங்கள்
ஏற்கனவே நாங்கள் துரோகிகள் - இனிமேல்
இதையெல்லாம் எழுதிய பின் லெப்டினன் கேணல் துரோகிகள்

என்ன நடக்குது இங்க?
எங்களுக்கு ஒண்டும் விளங்கயில்ல...
யாருக்கேனும் தெரிஞ்சா சொல்லுங்கோ...

சிலர் ஆய்வு செய்கினம்
சிலர் கட்டுரை எழுதுகினம்
சிலர் கவிதை எழுதுகினம்
சிலர் ஈ மெயில் அனுப்புகினம்
இதுவா 4ம் கட்ட ஈழப்போர்?

என்ன நடக்குது இங்க?
எங்களுக்கு ஒண்டும் விளங்கயில்ல...
யாருக்கேனும் தெரிஞ்சா சொல்லுங்கோ...