Friday, 29 August 2008

The Tragic Phenomenon of Permanent Refugees




By Rajan Hoole

The pledge of government leaders not to leave the problem of terrorism to the next generation might have carried credibility, were the different components to a rational strategy in place. One should have been a federal settlement that would have left no doubt that the Tamils would enjoy equality, security and dignity as citizens of Lanka. Nothing approaching it has happened in 60 years of independence.

Instead the state’s ponderous defense apparatus has been bludgeoning away at the Tamils for 25 years. Another component of the strategy should have been human rights and humanitarian guarantees and there are none. Wars have become political shows, like a Roman Circus, for the Sinhalese electorate, run by politicians and aspiring politicians. They wear the mantle of tribal heroes and gloat over presumed body counts, presently of helpless boys and girls placed on the front under duress.

Timetables for taking Kilinochchi and triumphalism compensate for abysmal failures in the real business of governance to improve the lot of the common masses. It has become so acceptable that hundreds of thousands of people, especially Tamils, should remain refugees without hope, while the government does everything to sweep the issue under the carpet. Journalists have been intimidated to an extent where papers with a sense of integrity have cautiously to quote AI and HRW to inform their readers. The number of refugees is much greater than appears, as even those who survived the massacres in the Weli Oya land grabbing exercise of 1984 remain forgotten refugees. A new generation of refugees has grown up in India. In the East, the displacement of Tamils by violence that began in 1956 and 1958 became a flood in the 1980s.

While the government has been hectoring Muslim refugees from the North chased by the LTTE to return, it ignores the fact that what they want as reassurance is a political settlement to clear the air and not just an ambivalent military presence.


The immediate problem concerns 150 000 displaced in the Vanni. They represent the endemic problem of a generation of Tamil refugees, who have been displaced and resettled several times in the last 25 years and many of them half a dozen times in the last year. The LTTE conscripted many of their children and blocks their escape, and the government herds them like cattle by shelling, driving them deeper into LTTE territory. In two of a series of typical instances, on 25 October 2007 artillery shells fell in Periyamadu killing three displaced persons including a pregnant mother. On 8 August 2008 shells fired from Weli Oya fell inside the Mullaitivu hospital and environs killing an 18 month old and injuring many others. In both cases the Government issued denials, but our sources rule out the LTTE having fired the shells in either instance. The hospital also treats LTTE injured. The result is that people leave their homes and temporary shelters and are forced to move towards Kilinochchi. On the western side of Kilinochchi, missiles recently fell in Akkarayan and pushed more people towards Kilinochchi, as also in Puthukkudiyiruppu and Kumulamunai to the east killing and injuring people.


The frequency and increasing numbers involved in the displacement has meant that INGOs that sheltered them earlier are unable to cope. A temporary shelter for a family costs Rs. 30 000 to 50 000. Thousands are under trees in jungles, receiving rations, but with no income to buy extras and medicines, and no schooling for their children. In desperation mothers try to raise money by selling gold. Gold, which fetches Rs. 30 000 a sovereign outside is hard to sell even for Rs. 10 000 in the Vanni. Snakebite is common in their situation and 23 cases were recently admitted to Kilinochchi Hospital from around Akkarayan, Anaivilunthan and Vanneri. There is no record of those going to native physicians. People have moved so deep into the domain of wild animals that cases of fox-bite have been admitted to the same hospital. Normally, foxes in local experience avoid humans.

Adding to the misery of the people are frequent official intimations of their conscripted sons and daughters being killed on the war front. They do not have their home environment to mourn and expiate their grief. A list of 69 LTTE dead with details from a website for the first 15 days of July 2008 had 19 girls, and eight men from the auxiliary force, one apparently a Tamil displaced from the hill country in the 1970s. Twenty-five names were from the Jaffna district, very likely displaced in 1995, and four from the East. About 16 are listed as officers, two of them older looking from the auxiliary force.

Most of the dead look barely 18, betraying signs of recent conscription. This would also place the deaths among those sent to the front at the order of 1000 for this year, around 80% of them recent conscripts. This is a very rough estimate and some recent battles may have been very costly for both sides. One day, during the latter half of July ‘40 funerals were held in Jeyapuram (100 houses scheme) near Kilinochchi. It was traumatic for many people.


Displacement has also made conscription easy for the LTTE. Using its records the LTTE ‘plucks’ conscripts from refugee camps. At present it is applying pressure on families to hand over a second member, and even asking whole families to join. Former LTTEers who had left and raised young families have been ordered to rejoin. Two years earlier they rebuffed attempts to make them rejoin, protesting at the humiliating punishments inflicted on them when they wanted to leave.


A pro-LTTE website places their number at 5000. While there have already been many deaths and injuries from bombing and shelling. Judging by previous operations such as Operation Liberation in 1987 and the two operations to take Jaffna in 1995, these are likely to rise to several hundreds, as the army gets closer to Kilinochchi. The government would then be in a state of automatic denial. One might recall the killing of 120 civilians by bombing at the Navaly Church in July 1995. President Kumaratunga and her government went beyond denial to harass and villify those who confirmed the incident, which alienated many Tamils sympathetic to her inexorably.

The present government’s claim that it is opening escape routes for civilians cannot be taken seriously. Even those who managed to escape from the LTTE have been confined in a camp in Kallimoddai as virtual prisoners. The government has opened two more camps, at Jeevanagar and Sirukandal, all in the Murunkan area, which might just house 1000 in all. Further, the army having advanced far to the border of Kilinochchi District, the LTTE this week executed a series of guerrilla attacks behind army lines, inside the areas it recaptured. Attacks have been reported at Andankulam, Pandivirichchan and Illuppaikkadavai and it reportedly blasted a bridge at Kalliadi. Several army casualties were admitted to Vavuniya and Mannar Hospitals. The army advance will not be smooth as government propaganda claims.


Taking Kilinochchi and substituting flags through sheer force of manpower and firepower may be the least of the Government’s problems. In the past 25 years, the army has not been able to ensure stability for the civilians in any area it captured. The LTTE’s killings are one matter, but the government’s political task of giving confidence to the civilians never got off the ground.


Jaffna death squad

Given the intemperate noises the government has been making against INGOs, how would the army, which has been free with its death squads, handle this situation? Many in Jaffna forcibly trained by the LTTE during the ceasefire had been the target of death squads.
The government has intelligent people who know this is not the way to deal with the ethnic problem or to handle the LTTE. governments have been happy to go on the offensive regardless of the civilians when they thought the LTTE was weak, get bogged down and then start talking about peace and a political settlement without ever understanding what makes the LTTE tick.

The sooner those in the government and the opposition stop playing games with the ethnic problem and ask themselves some pertinent questions, the better for us all. What would be the consequences of denying that there is an ethnic problem and further pursuing a homicidal strategy for which the state has neither the resources nor stamina, as the last 25 years have shown?


Is it morally or politically justifiable for a government to condemn a significant section of its people to the insecurity and deprivation of permanent refugees, because they are from a minority, while it blunders about endlessly in search of a Sinhalese peace?

[Photograph: World Refugee Day, June 20, 2008 - at an IDP welfare centre in Kilivetti, Eastern Province, Sri Lanka: pic: drs. sarajevo]

Source : federalidea, August 23

Tuesday, 26 August 2008

call of the conscience

CALL OF THE CONSCIENCE, exhibited photos, films and statements of Sri Lankans who have suffered atrocities in the hands of both the government and LTTE. The exhibition opened in Toronto home to the largest population of diaspora Tamils of Sri Lanka on August 23, in an attempt to highlight the distinction between Tamil nationalism and the LTTE and to criticize both warring factions while focusing on the LTTE’s use of torture, child conscription and suicide bombings.

"I hate the Tamil community here. The way they support the terrorists," said Samaran, a Tamil in his 50s. Portions of his written life story will be an exhibit at the event, and he agreed to speak about it only on the condition that this newspaper not use his real name, photograph his face, or reveal the Canadian city he lives in."Samaran" translates as "survivor," but his fears of reprisal still run high. Calling the Tigers the "world's biggest terrorists" in an interview, he said he was picked up as a suspected dissident in 1990 and held for months in a Tamil Tiger prison. At the time, the rebels were solidifying their hold on northern Sri Lanka, and ridding the area of suspected government collaborators and rival rebel factions. "They beat me till I fainted just for wearing a rosary," recalled Samaran, a Christian from a land that's mostly Hindu. He says a young rebel guard told him that "Here, I am the God - you tell the truth, you get released" - but he could only respond that he had no information to give. Hundreds of those he was jailed with were tortured, he said, and many were killed. Then, in a turn of events that proved less fortunate for other prisoners, he said, he escaped when Sri Lankan military planes bombed the jail.

In 1996, he arrived in Canada, where he said he remains amazed at the level of support the guerrillas enjoy. "I'm living away from the Tamil community," he said. He said he urges his teenaged children not to believe everything they hear about the war from Tamil student groups in Canadian universities. Samaran was persuaded to tell his story by a friend who organized the event, a dissident Tamil journalist who also claims the Tigers' reach extends to Canada. Manoranjan Selliah said Tiger supporters burned down a Tamil library for dissidents in Toronto in 1996, and adds that he moved to Canada after articles he wrote in Sri Lanka criticizing the Tigers led to threats.

Today, "I'm getting attacks on both sides," Mr. Selliah said. He said his decision to organize the exhibit has led to charges he is partisan. "Government supporters say, 'Oh, you are getting money from the LTTE now,' “he said, "and the other side is saying, 'Oh you're getting money from the government.' "

The space for the exhibit at Roy Thomson hall was paid for by donations from individuals and trade unions, he said, adding that he feels particularly "smeared" by rumours that he arranged the event to counter last month's "Black July" rallies. Tamils around the world have just marked the 25th anniversary of pogroms that killed hundreds of their brethren in Sri Lanka.

This weekend's exhibit will include six short films that intend to show the evolution of the bloodletting in Sri Lanka. "I am displaying the whole thing," said Mr. Selliah, 47, who hopes the films will show how Colombo politicians laid a foundation that led to civil war, inspiring the Tamils to rise up before their independence movement became mired in what he calls "self-destruction." The films will explore the use of "cyanide capsules, child soldiers and suicide bombs," he said.

The Tigers' drive toward an independent state has lately lost momentum. Mr. Selliah points out that Sri Lankan military campaigns have reduced Tiger-held Sri Lanka to a rump of 300,000 residents in the northern jungle regions.

Source: Globe and Mail Update, August 22, 2008


SPEECHES MADE AT THE EXHIBITION

I would like to start by congratulating the organizers of this unique and courageous exhibition. As the war in Sri Lanka again escalates to tragic proportions, we need the voices of truth more than ever. The truth can be found in the photographs and documentaries that surround us here this afternoon. It is the truth of endless suffering of the human body and continuous oppression of language, culture and identity. It is the truth of voices silenced by the gun and the resulting fear which has gripped entire communities. It is the truth of hopes and dreams crushed – of the persecution of youth, of women, of human rights and social justice activists. And it is the truth of a deafening silence among ourselves – a silence that represents our challenge to work towards a just political solution to the war, a solution that is inclusive and representative of all communities in Sri Lanka.


It is significant that this exhibition is being launched in Toronto. With the world’s largest Diaspora community from Sri Lanka, it is the responsibility of us all to recognize that we can have a progressive impact on the war. We need to talk about why the Sri Lankan state remains unaccountable today, after more than two decades of war, for an overtly racist agenda of oppression, for the bombing of civilians, for illegal detention and torture. We need to talk about why the LTTE remains unaccountable for an authoritarian regime that silences Tamil voices of dissent, which continues the forcible recruitment of children. And we need to ask ourselves where have we been? What have we been doing right here in Toronto to work for peace and justice in Sri Lanka?

We have all too often viewed the war through clouded, misguided lenses of Western privilege. We have refused to confront the mirror image of Sri Lankan state oppression and LTTE authoritarianism. We have sought easy answers from self-appointed leaders, instead of extending our hand to Tamil communities with the compassion, understanding and solidarity that is so desperately needed. We have not risen to the challenge of speaking the difficult truth, a truth which countless activists have lost their lives for.

The 2002 peace process facilitated by Norway failed because it refused to gain the confidence of the people. Instead of carefully building on the demands of the people, demands for dignity, justice and security, the brokers did the exact opposite. They initiated a top-down, elitist approach to resolving one of the world’s most bitter and deadly conflicts, attempting to reconcile differences between two oppressive leaderships, while ignoring the pleas of the people. Ignoring the voices of women. Ignoring the voices of minority communities. Ignoring the voices of workers and rural villagers. Ignoring the voices of the internally displaced. Ignoring the common concerns of the Tamil, Muslim and Sinhalese peoples. The common demands for a life without fear, an end to systemic racism, and an end to impunity.

During the ceasefire, we were told not to talk about human rights violations. We were told that criticism of the LTTE or the Sri Lankan state would jeopardize the peace process. And so political killings, torture and child recruitment continued and often escalated. When we raised these issues, many said that we were against peace. But what kind of peace was being negotiated? It was a peace agreed upon between a chauvinist oppressive state leadership and the authoritarian command of the LTTE. If ever there was a moment in history when the mirror image of the LTTE and the state was absolutely clear to the peoples of Sri Lanka, this was it.

In my opinion, and that of many other activists, much of the responsibility for these catastrophic events lies squarely at the feet of the West. The smug arrogance of Western nations to tell the peoples of Sri Lanka how to achieve peace was intolerable. Human rights activists murdered, children forcibly recruited, the continuing impunity of government forces – this was how the West negotiated peace? This was the peace which the international NGO community told us to patiently wait for? The peoples of Sri Lanka knew it was a tragic farce. Dissidents knew it was a farce. The common people and the internally displaced knew it was a farce. Yet the Norwegian contingent, other privileged nations of the West, and the mainstream NGO community refused to recognize the painful and dangerous reality. Even when the lifeless body of the victim of yet another political killing was taken to the offices of the Sri Lanka Monitoring Mission, the leaders of this process refused to relent.

The ceasefire was a crucial time when all of us should have been seeking out the voices of courage and humanity among Tamil, Muslim and Sinhalese communities, particularly among the Diaspora here in Toronto. While some of us did continue to support our sisters and brothers who were speaking out against human rights violations and persecution, many others allowed themselves to be silenced by those in the international community who refused to critique the peace process. Every excuse in the book was used to cover up ongoing human rights violations. We were labeled as troublemakers or we were condemned for promoting supposedly Western values of human rights. Yet, what many forgot is that contemporary struggles against racial oppression have been built on the very notion of human rights. We need not look further than the many nations in the African continent where people rose up and broke the shackles of colonialism by fighting specifically for human rights. We need not look further than the many nations of Latin America that today have achieved democratic representative governments, peoples’ governments, by specifically fighting against torture and political killings during decades of military rule and foreign imperialism. What these experiences have told us, from Chile to Bolivia to South Africa, is that peace can only be achieved if the right to dignity and human security is guaranteed, not only as an end result, but clearly as a means to that end.

While we were told not to speak of political killings and child recruitment during the ceasefire, we are now being told to be silent about bombings of civilians, torture and extrajudicial executions during the war. But the fact is that anyone who tells us to be silent about the oppression and murder of either the Sri Lankan state or the LTTE is someone who has no interest whatsoever in achieving a just peace for all peoples of Sri Lanka. Peace in Sri Lanka cannot be attained through a military solution. Human security cannot be achieved by continued state racism and oppression. And human dignity and empowerment cannot be gained through continuing authoritarianism within our own communities. Indeed, liberation and self-determination have never been achieved through fascism. Instead of consistently continuing to divide ourselves, we need to start building solidarity across the common humanity that can unite us all. It does not help when Western governments label us as “terrorists”. And it does not help when the brand of “traitor” continues to be acceptable within mainstream publications in our own communities.

In closing, we need three crucial action pieces from our municipal, provincial and federal governments in Canada and we need them now. First, we need affordable housing, good jobs, recognition of foreign credentials, and equitable distribution of wealth and social services for new immigrants. It is absolutely unacceptable that people immigrating to Canada face dire poverty and systemic racism at work, at school, and within our governing institutions. It is this very marginalization which makes critical dissent within the Diaspora community next to impossible since Canadian society itself isolates and oppresses those who seek a new life here. Second, we need our politicians and community leaders to seek out those critical progressive voices of dissent within the Diaspora and support their struggles for social justice. This means empowering those voices which are not part of the mainstream, who may not speak English, who are not in positions of power and privilege. Finally, we need our governments to demand an independent human rights monitoring body be set up and supported by the United Nations. This body must be impartial and accountable to the peoples of Sri Lanka, especially those living in the North and East. It must have the power and willingness to report violations by all actors in the war. And most importantly, it must work in coordination and cooperation with the people – civil society groups, women and youth, the marginalized, the isolated, the oppressed.

My friends, we must start taking responsibility for our role in supporting our sisters and brothers in Sri Lanka and right here in Toronto. We must call on our collective conscience to heal the wounds that divide us. We must demand bread and roses, and we must demand peace and justice. I sincerely hope that this gathering here today represents a significant step towards the realization of dignity and humanity for all peoples of Sri Lanka.

Kevin Shimmin

....................................................................

Even as we welcome you to this important exhibition, I want to begin by remembering those civilians who are at this very moment suffering from a brutal war in Sri Lanka. So many have been displaced and are living in desperate conditions. Many have lost relatives and continue to live in uncertainly about their own lives as the war around them escalates. Many youth and children have been recruited, mostly by force, to be used as cannon fodder in a war that means little to their innocent lives. And over the last year, many ordinary people have been disappeared, tortured, bombed and massacred by both sides of this senseless war. This exhibition is about such ordinary people and their suffering. It is also about ordinary people who did extraordinary work, who rose to the occasion to challenge the madness of war; who believed in the value of dissent, and often paid the supreme price of their lives. My conscience, and we think your conscience, demands that we respond to the call to remember such people. And in mourning and honouring those whom we have lost, we hope that we can change the future for the next generation of young Muslims, Sinhalese and Tamils who are waiting at the edge of war and precarious lives—lives of trouble and sorrow, yes, but also of hope.


I want to talk to you a little bit about my own life, my youth, and how I was influenced by ordinary people in a time of war. As a young person growing up in Kandy, I witnessed first-hand the violence against Tamils in the 1977 riots. I saw how the riots spread, with tensions developing even inside my own school between Sinhalese and Tamil students. I saw how Tamil houses and shops were looted and burned. Our house and property was damaged, but our Sinhalese neighbours protected my entire family. In our history, 1977 was significant, as it was the first major communal riot after 1958 that my family remembered. After 19 years of political demands and challenges by the Tamil community, the ruling regime of Sri Lanka was able to incite such cruel violence, shaking the confidence of ordinary Tamils.

Then came the horrible riots of 1983. Again thousands of people were killed. We heard of even political prisoners who were massacred in prison. While again our Sinhalese friends protected many of us, like other Tamil youth I was very angry. I could not accept the response of the Sri Lankan state, as the police watched on and sometimes even participated in the violence that mercilessly attacked Tamils, while we were dependent on the goodwill of ordinary Sinhalese who helped us and saved our lives. And that is when I, along with so many other Tamil youth from the South, went to the North to work towards what we all believed was the liberation of Tamil people. We went with much hope and a sense of duty to serve our people.

While the first couple of years of political work opened our minds and we learned so much about our community, very soon all that youthful enthusiasm was shut down. First, there was the killing of individuals labelled as “traitors”. And then in 1984, the Anuradhapura massacre of over one hundred Sinhalese pilgrims. And then that horror of April 28th 1986, when a pathological killing machine from within our own community was unleashed against our fellow youth, in the form of the LTTE massacre of the other militant group TELO. This is when our broader community witnessed the brutality of Tamil militancy, as Tamil youth hunted down, murdered, tortured and burned alive other Tamil youth in the streets of Jaffna. The bulk of those massacred here were Tamil youth who had come from other parts of the country to join TELO, while many of the youth from Jaffna were quietly spared. The violence that grew inside our community like a cancer with such incidents, also led to a culture of fear, which effectively silenced ordinary people.

October 1990 is an unforgettable month as the entire population of Northern Muslims were ethnically cleansed out of the North by the LTTE. From Jaffna town to the most remote village, ordinary Muslim people who had lived side by side were forced to leave with nothing, within two days. And the entire Tamil community stood silent in the face of orders from the LTTE. Unlike the Sinhalese neighbours who could protect us during the riots of 1977 and 1983, we could not even attempt to help our Muslim brothers and sisters, and those with a conscience in the Tamil community could only weep in silence.

It is this culture of fear and paralysis that my fellow activists Rajani Thiranagama, Kethesh Loganathan, Selvanithi Thiagarajah and Wimalesvaran resisted. But even more importantly, so many unknown students and ordinary men and women also resisted on behalf of their community and their own sense of justice. The brutal murder of such ordinary people who represent the conscience of our community should also be remembered. Our entire community became trapped in the logic of war and militarization, and there was no goal other than the military goal and the strengthening of the LTTE, where the common man, woman and child simply became an instrument for war. The Tamil community has been made powerless in this way, also, by elements from within our community.

War and militarization has trapped our entire country, and it is ordinary Muslim, Sinhalese and Tamil people that are paying the price. It is the poor youth that are recruited to fight and die in the war, whether it is in the Sri Lankan armed forces or the LTTE. For those of us who have found the comfort and safety of life in Canada, we are given rational explanations for everything. We are told to look rationally at the Anuradhapura massacre, the eviction of the Muslims, the recruitment of children or the disappearances and massacres by the State. And for each community is a rationalized explanation for violence against the other community. But we want to challenge this rationalization of irrationality. We want to ask you to listen to the call of the conscience. Can we with a clear conscience justify the recruitment of another mother’s child, of the murder of another person’s son, of the eviction of another family?

We want to appeal, especially, to the next generation of Tamils in Canada. Think of the opportunities you have and the safety that you live in. Don’t you think the youth of your generation in Sri Lanka deserve an education, a livelihood, and the possibility of peace? In listening to our conscience and remembering the loss of all those beautiful lives that could have been much more, we also have the responsibility to act. We have to stop this war and free our communities from militarization. We have to stop labeling and killing people as “traitors”. We have to struggle for peace and justice. We have to change the country into one in which we can all live together, Muslims, Sinhalese and Tamils. Thank you.

Manoranjan



Tuesday, 19 August 2008

What is the future of Sri Lanka?


Speech given at the Meeting by Canadians for Peace, Toronto, August 17, 2008. By Prof. Ratnajeeevan Hoole Rensselaer Polytechnic Institute, USA

Chairman Sir, Mr. John Argue of AI, Ladies and Gentlemen: Good evening.

Thank you, Canadians for Peace and sponsors for the kind invitation to speak this evening. When the invitation came from Chelian, I recalled the advice of one of my old batch mates who had been my room-mate when we were undergraduates. He said to me "Do you think we do not know all that you talk about publicly. The only thing you accomplish is bringing your family and yourself into trouble. It is better to look after your family and be safe." What he meant is that any reasonable peace loving Tamil who gives voice to his views is slandered, vilified and demonized by the Tamil right. Mr. V. Anandasangaree, Ketheesh Loganathan, and Neelan Tiruchelvam have suffered this fate. Likewise, on the Sinhalese side we see the same thing happening to Elmore Perera, Rohan Edirisinghe, Jayadeva Uyangoda and Jehan Perera. Their stories will tell us what happens to those who refuse to conform with the right.

My room-mate might well be accurate – that most Tamils know what is
wrong but keep quiet because of safety issues. But then, as we remain quiet, there is a presumption that we all agree with what is happening. Our silence leads to the presumption of our assent; of our consent. As I was wondering, calls from my friend Janaki Balakrishnan and my relative Ellalan Rajasingham clinched the matter. I agreed and here I am.

According to the letter I got from Chelian, there is a four-fold
purpose to this meeting:

1. Condemning the planned bombings in southern Sri Lanka
targeting innocent people.

2. Condemning the killings of innocent people in Sri Lanka and
the deprivation of their rights by the Sri Lankan Government.

3. Urging a
well-deserved, respectable and reasonable political solution to the Muslim people of Sri Lanka. And

4. In order to stop all murders, kidnappings, human rights
violations and the ongoing atrocious war completely, urging that all minorities of Sri Lanka should be offered a respectable, reasonable political solution.

I cannot agree more and would add a fifth: The political murders of people like Ketheesh Loganathan, Neelan Tiruchelevan and the 2 to 3 persons who are bumped off every day in the North-East ought to cease.

I am all for peace. Indeed who is not except for arms dealers and
those seeking political asylum? To some, peace lies only in victory. So let us be sure about what I mean by peace. I am for a peaceful situation where every Sri Lankan is free to seek his freedom, well-being and development while respecting the rights of others to the same.

To be sure,
peace is not antithetical to separation. It is possible to have separate geographical units where the Sinhalese, Tamils and Muslims pursue their own well-being without clashing with the other communities.

Chairman Sir, it is a great pity that there is no Sinhalese or Muslim person here with us among the speakers today. To bring peace to Sri Lanka, a lot needs to be done. There are things to be done by Muslims; things to be done by Tamils; and most importantly, things to be done by the Sinhalese – for in Sri Lanka's uneven polity, it is you, the Sinhalese, who hold the keys to power and therefore the keys to a solution. I dare say that if the Sinhalese polity – we Tamils are not part of it – wishes to, peace can be restored right away through a just settlement. Simply implement the thirteenth amendment and the reasonable use of Tamil law, and the cry for Eelam will for the large part vanish. Does anyone here argue that we Tamils made a grave error in sabotaging the Indo-Lanka Accord and that if we had accepted it, we will not be in this sorry plight today?

What the Sinhalese, Muslims and Tamils ought to do, must come from
within to be effective. In the absence of Sinhalese and Muslim speakers today, I do not wish to be telling them what they ought to do. For it would seem provocative, if not condemnatory. It must be left for another day, another meeting, where there are Sinhalese and Muslim speakers. It is after all, pretty obvious to any outside observer that a just settlement is easily accomplished through devolution. It is clear to me that some form of separation is the only answer. We Tamils and Sinhalese – and Muslims too – are fighting over – fighting for – the same things. We need our own territories where we can decide our matters by ourselves. Such territorial division is good for all of us, be it through federalism or outright separation.

But such separation is obviously not going to be given by the
Sinhalese as is obvious from the sorry state of the All Party Representative Committee and its ever "soon-to-be-released" recommendations. And indeed the Tigers are incapable of winning Eelam through military might. So as things are, unless something gives, we Tamils are due for some kind of homogenization, not separation of any sort.

I propose to use the few minutes allocated to me here today to address
the matter from a Tamil perspective. I speak as a Tamil. Let there be no doubt that there are good peace-loving Sinhalese just as there are good peace-loving Tamils and peace-loving Muslims. Some of them are here today. But like us peace-loving Tamils, most peace-loving Sinhalese and Muslims are also quiet so as not to get into trouble. Of what good are we when we take no risks for what we believe in? This is why the Sinhalese right and the Tamil right – despite the verbiage of socialism and democracy that both pretend to – have been able to hijack our peoples and be able to claim to speak for us all.

I worked for 10 years in Sri Lanka before I had to flee for dear life in fear of Tamil guns. Indeed one morning when I came to my office after a lecture, a CID officer was waiting for me. He identified himself as part of a team that tracks the Sihala Urumaya. He cautioned me that their information from Urumaya meetings was that I was a target. He gave me numbers to call in case I saw anything unusual. So I had good Sinhalese friends and good Sinhalese indeed there are. But of what good are good people when they are powerless against evil? In those 10 years I saw no change of heart. I saw hatred from those in power – be they Tamil or Sinhalese, be they armed or holding administrative positions. Of what good are the majority when they are silent? The same goes for the Tamil majority too.

The Sinhalese ruling clique's mood is to crush the LTTE. Then, upon crushing the LTTE, they say, that all will be right and we Tamils will enjoy democracy. The kind of democracy we will enjoy can be seen in what is happening in the East – more colonization, new Buddhist temples sprouting up everywhere, vote-rigging, more Sinhalesization, etc. When I was on the UGC, there was a proposal to have a massive infusion of money into South Eastern University [sic.]. Billions of rupees were to be poured in. It is officially a national university but understood to be a Muslim university. The suggestion for the expansion came from the ministry. But we of the UGC had to initiate it officially. We enthusiastically supported it. We believed that aid to develop one of the least developed parts of Sri Lanka was a great idea and that economic activity would grow around the university. We proposed the plan. But today, after the liberation of the East, the report is that the new class would consist almost 40% of Sinhalese. Another proposal would merge the Tamil Eastern University with South Eastern University. Why? It is no accident that our UGC began a medical faculty for Eastern university and those seats are a prize. Parallel to these goings-on, Muslim home-guards who worked for the so-called liberation of the East have been assaulted and disarmed now that their usefulness is over and they could become an obstacle to Sinhalesization.

In this gloomy scenario it is tempting for us Tamils to opt for
complete separation – Eelam – as the easy way out. But it is not that simple. Can we Tamils really achieve Eelam? I do not think so for three major reasons.

1) Reason 1, we Tamils have lost the moral high ground and with
it the world's sympathies. In 1983 we were the abused people. We evoked sympathy. Since then we are also known for the massacre of civilians such as at Anuradhapura, Temple of the Tooth, Gonagala, and so on. We also have engaged in genocide by evicting Muslims from our midst in the North and slaughtering Muslims at prayer in Katankudi and massacring Muslim villagers including babies. We Tamils are believed to be among the leading drugs smugglers and credit card fraudsters of the world. We rig elections and are so fascist that no Tamil has the democratic right to disagree with our leadership. Our cry for freedom rings hollow. Who would want to support such a community? How can Eelam be established if there is no country prepared to recognize it?

2) Reason 2, because of our terror tactics such as our massacres
and bombs in buses and public places, we have acquired the reputation of terrorists. On hearing that we are Tamil, my wife's professor remarked "Ah so you are the naughty ones!" What shame! In the Post 9/11 period, we who employ terrorist techniques are simply persona non grata in much of the world.

Permit me a slight diversion at this point. I grew up in an Anglican vicarage and have been privy to things of a human nature that many of you are not. When I was in grade 4 or 5 – I cannot remember exactly – a woman member of our parish came distraught and crying early one morning in disheveled night clothes. She charged that she had been beaten up by her husband. A few minutes later her husband came bicycling to our house, the vicarage. Very angry with his wife, he demanded of my father, "Father, if a wife will not obey, what is there to do except beat her?" I do not know what happened after that as my father took them both into his room for good advice and prayers I suppose.

But this I remember – that he so intensely believed in his logic and I laughed at the man in my mind and still do although he was so sure of himself. Many of us Tamils are just like that man. We argue that when the Sinhalese drop bombs on us, our children, our schools and our churches and temples, we are justified in placing bombs in their buses. We are adamantly sure of how right we are. Likewise the Sinhalese seem to think that when we Tamils will not obey, the only solution is to bomb us into submission. Like that husband, we are so sure of that logic. What we sadly do not know is that the whole world outside is disconnected from our thinking and laughs at us.

To those who are still not convinced, I refer you to the paper by Ivan
Arreguin-Toft, Research Fellow in the International Security Program at Harvard. He has shown that war crime doesn't pay: barbarism increases the costs and risks of military operations, and poisons chances for peaceful post-war occupation and development.

Let there be no mistake. Our attitude, our barbarism, will lead to the
annihilation of many and probably the total destruction of Tamils as a people in Sri Lanka. The logic of numbers, resources, time and power is on the Sinhalese side.

Let me also be clear that bombing the LTTE into extinction is no
solution either. The LTTE may be obliterated but without a political solution the reasons that caused the LTTE will still be there and give rise to another version of the LTTE. Indeed, a government that claims to bomb us to save us from the LTTE and give us democracy, cannot bomb the very people it claims to want to save into refugee camps, if not into total annihilation. Further, to Tamil dissidents who have been hunted by the LTTE, I say this: The right to life of everyone has to be respected including the right to life of LTTE members, not just our rights, the rights of those targeted by the LTTE. Moreover, many in the LTTE, though misguided, are genuinely for the cause of freedom.

The solution is in their rehabilitation from their destructive zeal.
Remember especially that we who cry foul when children and even adults are forced to bear arms for the LTTE, cannot in the same breath rejoice when they are annihilated. An estimate has it that 30% of forced conscripts are already dead.

3) Returning to the reasons why Eelam is not possible, reason 3, is that after the assassination of Rajiv Gandhi, India is totally opposed to any Tamil state. Even Tamil Nadu seems disinterested. Mr. Muthuvel Karunanithy, the Chief Minister, composed his ode to the late Thamilchlevan and made many of us think that he is going to support Eelam again. But I have it on reliable authority that after composing that poem, he had told a Tamil lobbyist that his priority is to get development for Tamil Nadu from the Centre without dissipating his influence arguing with the Centre for Tamil rights in Sri Lanka.

There are lesser reasons why Eelam is not possible. I need not enumerate or go into them here. The point I wish to make is what was taught to me in my Economics course as an undergraduate – the Theorem of the Second Best. We were taught this theorem by Tilak Ratnakara of the LSE. By the way, his economics made good sense but not his anti-federal diversions during his lectures. This theorem states that where the best is not attainable, spend your finances and energies usefully by working for the second best. To explain in simple terms, a poor homeless man from Sri Lanka may think that a palace in Beverly Hills is the best. It is an impossible dream. If the poor man waits until he has saved enough to build that palace, he would still be working for that at the end of his life without a roof over his head. But if he dreams of what can be achieved, say a simple decent house in Sri Lanka, and works towards that, there is much better hope that he can achieve it and it is likely that he will spend the last years of his life in that house in some comfort. In this context of the achievable, a decent house in Sri Lanka becomes the best. For this reason alone I am all for a negotiated federal set-up. Then there are other reasons too that would make what is the second best to the Eelamist really the best:

1) Eelam can come only through war and war means many deaths

2) A federal deal avoids the trauma that would be caused to
mixed populations in border areas and allows Tamils who prefer living in the South to choose to do so and vice versa. This is of immenseimportance to Estate Tamils. If we are truly for Tamil freedom, we must give choices to our people.

3) A federal deal would avoid the ruination of Tamils living in
the South, especially the many Tamils who have investments in the South. Eelam means that the multimillions in new flats in Colombo might have to be sold in fire sales as happened after the 1983 riots which probably in monetary terms were of higher value than the properties that were destroyed.

4) A negotiated federal settlement would give us Tamils most of
what we want.

5) A settlement keeps open the possibility of mutually
beneficial engagement with the Sinhalese.

6) A settlement avoids the continuing climate of war, associated
with separation, as a result of a long border.

Surely many of us know that these things are necessary corollaries of Eelam. To right thinking people – especially Tamils in Sri Lanka – these are really important things to think about. Any Tamil who says these are but trivial excuses against Eelam, I dare say, is an expatriate who has nothing to lose, has all his properties in Toronto, New York, London, Sydney and places, and wants to act out his dream of being a little "Kattai Pomman." To those who do not know, Kattai Pomman was a Tamil bandit (or kollaikaaran in Tamil reports) in India who defied the British by not paying taxes and was celebrated as a hero-king of the Pandiyan dynasty in a movie where Sivaji Ganeshan played Veera Pandiya Kattai Pomman.

Let us then agree on a negotiated federal set up as the best solution.
But then is that going to happen? Given the present mood of the Sinhalese and their confidence they can defeat the LTTE and given the historical legacy of reneged deals, I can hear some of you of saying, "A negotiated federal arrangement is also an impossible thing."

You may well be right. I see no mood among the Sinhalese to cede
anything to us. After all, what has the dilatory APRC offered us? Good Sinhalese there are, but they are irrelevant in the present political order. These good people today are overwhelmed by the forces that march inexorably to crush the Tamil people into submission. In the process of being politely mindful of the sensibilities of good Sinhalese, we sometimes fail to see the enormity, the evil, of the Sri Lankan state.

Should we then look for a third scenario? Alas, the only third best
thing that I see is our losing the war and being assimilated. But thank God for small mercies, assimilation preserves lives. After all, the right to life is higher than the right to language and culture and must be respected as such. It is important not to lose sight of this reality and be carried away by heroic words.

Veerapandiya Kattaipomman said "Thooku Medai, Panju Meththai" –
that is, the hangman's gallows are like a comfortable cotton mattress. We do not even know if he really said that but that is what Sivaji Ganeshan says in the movie as Veerapandiya Kattaipomman. We in Sri Lanka then, carried away by his bravado shortly after the movie was screened in Jaffna, chanted "Thooku Medai, Panju Meththai" during the Satyagraha protests in 1961 and ran away as soon as the Sinhalese police rained their blows on us. Similarly in 1976 our late leader Mr. S.J.V. Chelvanaygam moved the Vaddukoddai resolution for Eelam. Words that our leaders meant as a negotiating position were believed by the youth. We got carried away by our words. On top of all this, Mr. V. Pirabakaran has said that even if one person survives the ongoing war for that person's eyes to see Eelam, then the war and all the attendant sacrifices would have been worth it.

Let us not be carried away by words like these meant for political
speeches. I would rather live than die for one person to see Eelam. After all, the right to life is far higher than the right to culture. It is the highest of the human rights given in any of the instruments. Let us not fool ourselves – we would all choose to live rather than die for earthly things. With life, we can at least have hope to live life the way we want to live it. For those of us who like to live the way we choose, be it as a Tamil Hindu or Christian or as a Muslim, death as a choice is unacceptable.

So in summary, Eelam through war is an impossible goal. Federalism
through negotiations seems extremely unlikely given Sinhalese intransigence and a seeming self-perceived God-given right to rule over Tamils. And the third choice is to be assimilated – a horrible choice for any Tamil who values and wants his cultural rights and wishes to live peacefully in Sri Lanka as a Tamil.

In my mind it is clear that all peace loving Sri Lankans ought to work for the second best, the negotiated federal settlement. In the current set up, as remarked earlier, it is not going to come of its own. The government by bombing us to save us has lost its right to rule us. So also the LTTE for robbing us of all freedoms while claiming to fight for our freedoms. Our activities must therefore be directed towards peace through federalism through third parties with power.

Speaking for myself, the only way in which I see that happening, is
through foreign mediation. The international community must force a settlement upon the Sri Lankan government. I see three things as necessary for that to happen and without these there will be a serious impediment to any foreign mediation. First, we Tamils need to renounce our violent and undemocratic ways of the past and present, and demonstrate that when we talk of freedom, we really mean it and would give our fellow Tamil citizens the freedom to make choices, including choosing our representatives. We need to renounce terrorism and assassinations. When Tamil leaders refuse to give freedom to Tamils, what indeed is the basis for asking for freedom for ourselves within the Sri Lankan polity?

The second thing that ought to happen concerns India. As long as a Tamil government (whether federal or separate) means an LTTE government, there is no way in which India will countenance it. And without India's blessings, no other member of the international community would want to become a player in Sri Lankan affairs. For India is far more important to the West than the Sinhalese or the Tamils or the Muslims of Sri Lanka. Our leaders like Mr. R.Sambanthan, Mr. Mavai Senathirajah and Mr. S. Sivajilingam, all three good men who at one time demonstrated stern hearts and a strong love for their people, are today unable to speak of one half of the atrocities that we Tamil people face. It is because they live in fear. I am however aware that they make their views known as best as they can in the Vanni. They will need to lead again if we are ever to overcome this problem of Indian refusal to deal with us when we are represented by the LTTE. As the only leaders with the ability to have a conversation with the LTTE, they have much to offer in gently displacing the LTTE or persuading them to reconcile with India. I hope that when the need arises they will act with the courage they are capable of.

If India can be brought around through Tamils eating humble pie and
turning a new leaf, India can be a force for the good of the Sinhalese and the Tamils. India can guarantee a settlement. A guarantor with strength and the willingness to use that strength is a must. In the days of our gentlemen leaders like SJV Chelvanayagam, the Sinhalese cheated many times – the BC Pact, the DC Bill, etc. But today, we Tamils also cheat – recall that according to the Scandinavian monitors of the 2002 cease-fire, it is the Tamil side that cheated most. Things are not so one-sided as we Tamils make out.

Recall that in 2000
Chandrika presented a settlement which was an important step towards federalism. With support from Tamils there was a good chance of pushing it through. Although privately TULF politicians from Joseph Pararajasingam to R. Sambanthan wanted it to go through they did not dare to support it because of the LTTE threat. Mr. Neelan Tiruchelvam and Mr. A. Thangathurai who worked for it were murdered. Recall also that we almost had federalism under the Oslo Accord and then the LTTE stopped talking. Three years ago the government was prepared to bend over backwards to accommodate the LTTE despite growing Sinhalese fears, but the LTTE was not interested in getting anything for the people, and only in preparing for war. Even as the LTTE was attending peace talks, I am personally aware that they were publicly promising the final war in public speeches in Jaffna.

So even the Sinhalese can justly say that the Tamil side sabotages
peace and cheats. We Tamils, with a self-serving mind-set, believe that we are always right and the Sinhalese are always wrong. The fact is that we both have sabotaged peace. So a strong guarantor is a must to make any agreement stick. Other countries of the international community such as Canada, the EU and Japan, can play a role in overcoming Sinhalese fears over India siding with the Tamils. India, with a natural interest in the security of the region, can invest troops in a realistic way to guarantee peace and deter anyone who dares cheat. And Indian trade along with deals with other members of the international community can develop all the federal states in a negotiated set-up with the associated trade benefits to India too.

And the third thing that ought to happen for international mediation
is that the expatriate Tamil role must be based on what is good for the Tamils in Sri Lanka and not based on expatriate ego trips that make us living abroad feel-good as little Kattai Pommans. In the past expatriate Tamil meddling has been confined to funding, to angry speeches about the Sinhalese, and to vilifying through slander in their websites those Tamils in Sri Lanka who offer any alternative leadership. But just this July 24, a major departure was when Tamils joined Burmese dissidents and demonstrated against Sri Lanka and China in commemoration of the 1983 riots. Naturally the leaders of the Ilankai Thamil Changam, cautious of the recent arrests of Tamils for promoting terrorism, carefully kept out of it. These people who commit our brethren in Sri Lanka to war and death, will not even put out their own names in public! They were fronted by an organization called PEARL by their children. PEARL stands for "People for Equality and Relief in Lanka". These children are often uncomfortable with children brought up in Sri Lanka. Do they have empathy? Do they really recognize the powers they are dealing with and the calamities that can be visited on our people by angering China? Demonstrating against Sri Lanka is one thing but China? Enough damage has already been done by angering India over the Rajiv Gandhi matter. We do not need more enemies. I put it to you that their demonstration did not benefit our brethren in Sri Lanka one iota. It might, however, have helped to build up some résumés for those at PEARL. The test for anything we do here must be this: Does it help our people at home?

Speaking strictly for myself, I find being in an Indian orbit
preferable to annihilation during an unwinnable war or assimilation following inevitable defeat. After all, India's is a stable democracy with genuine elections with no rigging in the form of preventing people from voting and stuffing ballot boxes. Hers is an independent judiciary where the Chief Justice does not serve at the pleasure of the President to stave off impeachment. Her civil service is professional and independent. So even if a crazy fellow wants to do something bad to us when we are under Indian rule, it would be well nigh impossible. I think even the Sinhalese would be better off under India than under Sri Lanka's terribly flawed democracy.

However, there have been some troubling signs of Indian capital moving in to exploit the deprivation of Tamil rights. The people of Sampoor were shelled out by the government which declared it a "High Security Zone" and India is now building a coal power station there. It is good for us to have healthier ties with India on equitable terms but not on terms where Indian capital would act with less restraint than at home and our people are even more at the receiving end. To address this we need a new Tamil leadership with credibility through even handedness that can influence India positively. We need leaders India can talk to.

After this history no one is ready to listen to us Tamils and we as
Tamils are not sure what we want. Adding to the tragedy, the expatriate Tamils had an important voice. Those who were clear that the LTTE cannot work for a solution were silenced. Through the 1990s Tamil lobbies were backed by LTTE supporters and persons of no little influence like C.J. Eliezer and a host of university academics, doctors and leading professionals. These people were blindly one-sided and did not want to see that good politics, successful politics, needs the accommodation of the needs and fears of the Sinhalese and Muslims. Instead they gave excuses for anything we did including the massacres and expulsion of Muslims. In time influential foreigners started seeing us as liars, terrorists or the political equivalent of a mad religious sect. Now their influence – our influence as Tamils – is negative as seen by many of these people having fallen silent.

How then do we reassert ourselves to invite foreign intervention
without the negative effects of free capital? Was not all this enthusiasm a great waste? We could have achieved much more if we had built up a credible Tamil voice that could challenge the government and restrain the excesses of the LTTE. Now as the LTTE seems weak, the voices critical of the LTTE are louder. Unfortunately many of them through their bitter experience want the LTTE finished off and are not concerned about what happens to the people. We can never tolerate civilians being bombed and shelled indiscriminately and confined to abject conditions in refugee camps with no schooling for the children. No government would have dared to do this to the Sinhalese. Nor could we tolerate the LTTE using the people held as prisoners under it to forcibly fight the brunt of its war or the government indulging in systematic targeted killings. What the Tamil expatriates need now is to build up a credible voice. Is it too much to ask people to think back on the mistakes made all these years? Not only are those supporting the LTTE guilty of sectarianism, but so also those who rightly saw where the LTTE was taking the people and yet remained silent. We have unwanted divisions, which is understandable. But do we also need scurrilous guerrilla attacks on our web sites? If we are to do any good to the people at home, we need to start acting responsibly.

This brings me to the question posed in the flier for this meeting: "What is the future for Sri Lanka?" I think there are presently only 2 possibilities. Either we Tamils lose out and in the long term are assimilated; or alternatively we turn our backs on our fascist past, and woo the International Community, particularly India, into imposing a just settlement. I pray it is the latter and not the former.

(Prof. S. RATNAJEEVAN H. HOOLE holds D.Sc. (Eng.) London, Ph.D. from Carnegie Mellon University, M.Sc. with a Mark of Distinction from London offered jointly through Imperial College and Queen Mary College, and B.Sc. Eng. Hons. from the University of Sri Lanka, Katubedde Campus. Dr. Hoole is the Vice Chancellor of University of
Jaffna in Sri Lanka while seconded from his position as Senior Professor of Electrical Engineering at the University of Peradeniya, Sri Lanka. On special leave, he is presently a Fellow of the Scholar Rescue Fund, Institute of International Education, UN Plaza, New York and a Visiting Professor at Drexel University, Philadelphia,
PA.)

Wednesday, 13 August 2008

the professor and the traitors


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xNunahU kjpAiuQupd; jw;Nghij cly; RfaPd epiyapid
fzf;fpw;nfhz;L ehNd mg;gzpiaAk; ,q;F nra;a tpisfpNwd;.

Nguhrhd; vd;d
nrhy;fpwhH?

ghk;ngd;W epidj;J fapiw mbabnad;W mbj;jhYk; gwthapy;iy
Mdhy; fapnwd;W epidj;J ghk;ig tpl;L tplhNj. mjhtJ
taypNy fisnad;W epidj;J gapiug; gpLq;fp vwpe;jhYk;
guthapy;iy gapnud;W epidj;J
fisia tpl;LtplhNj. mij
,d;Dk; ,yFgLj;jpr; nrhd;dhy;>

Jnuhfpnad;W epidj;J Rk;kh xUtid Rl;lhYk; guthapy;iy. el;lkpy;iy> Mdhy; Rk;kh xUtd; vd;W epidj;J JNuhfpia tp;l;LtplhNj mJ Mgj;jhf Kbe;JtpLk;. vd;gJjhd;. Mfh vj;jifanjhU jj;Jtj;ij ekf;F mUspapUf;fpwhH ngUkfdhH.

Nguhrpupaupd; ,e;j ghk;Gk; fapWk; fij ekf;F Nfl;gjw;F
ed;whfj;jhd; ,Uf;fpwJ. Mdhy; ,q;Nf mtH ghk;ngd;Wk;
fapnwd;Wk; Fwpg;gpLtJ capUs;s kdpjHfis vd;gJ jhd;
Gupe;J nfhs;sg;gl Ntz;baJ. fapiwAk; ghk;ngd;W epidj;J
mb vd;gJ> ek;kpilNa cyTk; kdpjHfis vy;yhk; JNuhfp vd;W
re;Njfp. re;Njfpj;J kz;ilapy; NghL. vd;fpd;w tplaNk ,q;F nrhy;yg;gLfpd;wJ.

myq;fhu nkhopapy; Fwpg;gpLtjhf ,Ue;jhy; mth;fs; kf;fspd; uj;jj;jpNy Fspf;f mirg;gLfpwhh;fs;. kuzj;ijj; njhl;Lf;nfhz;bUf;Fk; jq;fs; KJikia me;j uj;j];ehdk; Fzg;gLj;Jk; vd;gJ mth;fs; ek;gpf;if.

,jpy; Nguhrpupaupd; jpwik ahnjdpy; ,t;tsT fdjpahdJk; mrpq;fkhd tplaj;ij vl;lhk; tFg;Gg; gbj;j> gbf;Fk; gps;is$l ed;whf Gupe;J> mij mg;gbNa nra;af;$ba tifapy; kpf vspikahf $wpapUg;gNjahFk;. tho;f mtH ew;gzp. vkJ MAisAk; NrHj;J mtNu vLj;Jf;nfhz;L mg;gzpia njhlul;Lk;.

NfjPRf;F ehk; vd;d mQ;rypiar; nra;ayhk;. mtiug; Nghd;Nw
ehKk; tho;tijj;jtpu mtUf;fhf ehk; NtW vijr; nra;Jtpl KbAk;. mth; Nghd;w xU JNuhfpapd; fhyj;jpy; mtUld; $b cwthb tho;e;j JNuhfpfs; ehk;> vd;W njhlHe;J ngUikahf nrhy;ypf; nfhs;sNthk;. vk;ikg; nghWj;j tiuapy; ,d;W JNuhfp vd;w nrhy; ngUikf;FupaJ. murpay; mHj;jk; epiwe;jJ. mijj; njhlHe;J cr;rhldk; nra;Nthk;.

my;gpul; jiuag;gh Kjy; Re;juk;> xgNuha; Njtd;> kNdhkh]lH> Mde;juhrh> vd;Dk; JNuhfpfspd; tupir ePz;L
tpkny];tud;> uh[pdp> nry;tp> NahNf];tud;> ePyd;> uh[d; rj;jpa%h;j;jp gj;kehgh> nuhngl;> rpd;dghyh vd;W KbtilahJ ,d;W Nfjp];tud; tiu ePz;L nry;tij fz;L ehk; ngUikg; gLNthk;.

xU fhyj;jpy; fWg;gHfs; vd;W nts;isj; Njhy;fhuHfs;
vs;sp eifahLk;NghJ $dpf;FWfpa fWg;gHfs; ,d;W jk;ik
fWg;gHfs; vd;W ngUikNahL $wpg;
ngUikg;gLfpd;wdH.
xUfhyj;jpy; cah;rhjpaduhy; jho;jg;gl;lthfs; jkJ rhjpia
ntspapLtijapl;L mtkhdkhf fUjpathfs; ,d;W epkph;e;J epd;W
jk;ik jypj;njd;W ngUikNahL milahsg; gLj;jfpd;wdH.

me;j tifapy; ,d;W
ehNk vk;ik Jzpe;J JNuhfpfs; vd;W
milahsg;gLj;jpf; nfhs;Stjw;fhd gpujpf;iQia ,e;j
kz;lgj;jpy; kiwe;j vk; ez;gUk; NjhoUk; ey;ynjhU
kdpjUkhfpa JNuhfp Nfjp]pd; rhHghf vLj;Jf; nfhs;SNthk;.
gyH ,d;W ,e;j ehl;bw;F Xb te;Njhk;. Vd;? ,d;iwa vkJ
tho;f;iff; flik capUld; ,Uj;jy;. Mdhy; vkJ ,d;iwa
tuyhw;Wf; flik vd;d? ehk; JNuhfpfshapUj;jy;.

md;wpypUe;j ,d;w tiu nfhy;yg;gl;l Mapuf;fzf;fhd
JNuhfpfs; Nghy; ehKk; vk;ik khw;wpf; nfhs;Stjw;W> ,d;W
kiwe;j NfjP]; tiuahd JNuhfpfspd; Md;khf;fs; vkf;F
cWJizahf ,Uf;fl;Lk;.

tho;f JNuhfpfs;.