The Youth Declaration is being drafted and views of the general public are being collated at present (See our post of May 1, 2008). SahaSamvada 's responses to the Focus Questions are given below. To download the Focus Questions or for more information please visit http://www.peaceforaday.com.au
National Identity to Cultural Identity
What do you believe is cultural cohesion and co-operation?
Cultural cohesion happens when there is understanding and respect for all cultures other than one’s own. People cannot dominate others through their cultural values. The most important aspect is RESPECT, this in itself would harness co-operation. The different cultures in Sri Lanka have been in existence for decades and have shared a common history. These beliefs and practices should not be overshadowed by human weaknesses such as racism. Human dignity must be always respected.
How do you define ethnic nationalism? What are its positive contributions to society?
Nationalism is an extreme in itself, but every human being has a bit of this nationalism in him/her. Ethnic nationalism is a feeling of unity, of oneness through the sharing of commonalities such as language and culture and the understanding of its diversities such as religion. The positive aspect of ethnic nationalism is relatively less in today’s context where it is being used for selfish reasons, but it has the power to rise above geographical and economical differences and unite people through language and culture.
How do we bridge the divide that comes from ethnic nationalism? What are some practical and contextual steps that a community can make to bridge the divide?
The most important aspect in bridging this gap is through the proportional distribution of power and authority. It has a lot to do with a sense of control and a sense of independence. The roots of the ethnic conflict in Sri Lanka stem from an imbalance created by the lack of devolution of power. This created mistrust and envy which stirred racial tensions. A practical step would be planning a system of power devolution which would provide the basis for re-building trust and restoring human dignity.
How do we eradicate the feelings of mistrust and marginalisation?
Feelings of mistrust and marginalisation cannot be dispelled through words alone. Practical measures such as the devolution of power will create the basis for trust, and through this alleviate marginalisation. All communities need to feel respected and equal.
Why is a multicultural, multi-lingual, multi-religious vision of Sri Lanka so important?
Sri Lankan society is multi-ethnic and culture, language and religion are important aspects of each ethnic group. In order to envision a united Sri Lanka, these essential elements of ethnicity must be given equal importance.
As a community what safeguards can we place to ensure that such tensions never conform to a violent conflict?
In reality racism cannot be totally abolished and racist feelings do give in to violence, especially when influenced by political actors. Democracy must be upheld, especially through institutions such as the legislature, judiciary, police and the media. If these institutions function in a democratic manner, violence and anarchy can always be held in check.
How do we promote affirmative action through non-violence?
Sri Lanka is ready for a social movement. Making this a reality will be the affirmative and non-violent action we as a country can take towards ensuring normalcy and progress in Sri Lanka.
War and Peace
War for peace? What is its eventual conclusion for civil society?
War for peace is an unrealistic delusion. Its end result will be the total annihilation of a society.
How do we move away from a mentality of a war for peace promoted by the conservative elements in each community? How do we ensure that our future generations do not carry on a negative stigma from the conflict?
A successful social movement will ensure a change in mentality as its basis would be to change the mindsets of the masses from pro-war to anti-war. The stigma of war can only be erased by the establishment of democracy and equality. If this can be achieved then we have achieved a decent future for our future generations.
What actions would you like the Government of SL to take in relation to promoting unity and pluralism?
Firstly there must be a change in the current GoSL. There is a severe lack of faith in them at the moment. Sri Lanka needs a government that will not use the whole ethnic issue for the personal benefits of its members. Unfortunately today, politics is plagued by corruption and a government free of it is unrealistic. Nevertheless, there are certain mechanisms that can be introduced that would ensure that the necessary ‘checks and balances’ work. Essentially, the abolishment of the Executive Presidency, a more independent judiciary and constitutional reform which would include devolution of power, are some of the important steps that need to be seriously considered.
What do you believe are the current barriers to a political solution?
There is no conviction by either of the warring parties to end the conflict. There are many deals being made for personal benefits. An end to the war, especially through a political solution would mean an end to the benefits. An end to the war through a military victory is futile. In this era, wars are not fought as per conventional methods, with ‘formal and organised campaigns with demarcated frontlines, bases and weapons’[1]. These intra-state wars now use para-military and criminal groups, child soldiers and suicide bombers. This is clearly the case in Sri Lanka. The wars that are waged in the frontlines, dim in comparison to the shadow war that is happening throughout the Island, with abductions, disappearances, bombings and extra-judicial killings adding on to the list. How would such a war end? How can it be achieved through military victory? Nevertheless, the GoSL today is feverishly working towards blocking any attempts at a political solution to the conflict, by propagating the military solution as the only means of achieving this. They have been tapping on to the nationalist fervour of the majority Sinhala community to sustain their efforts towards this. On the other hand, the LTTE have also been pushing for a military solution despite a change in their attitudes, leaning towards a negotiated solution during the Ceasefire Agreement. The LTTE too have been playing on the nationalistic fervour of the Diaspora Tamils to sustain their efforts. Through fundraising and propaganda they have been successfully obstructing dialogue on a possible political solution to the conflict. So in summary, the main warring parties are the obstacles to a political solution, supported by the overtly nationalistic Sinhalese masses in Sri Lanka and the Tamil Diaspora. To add to this the recent fundraising drive by the GoSL ‘api wenuwen api’ is also attempting at pulling the Sinhalese Diaspora on to its ‘war promotion’ attempts. Furthermore, looking back at our political history it is very clear that there have been many ‘lost opportunities’, especially due to the lack of foresight of the Tamil leadership. From the Thimpu Declaration to the Indo-Lanka Accord, many opportunities have been lost due to the egoism of the ‘supposed representative’ of the Tamil community.
What are your biggest frustrations about this ongoing conflict?
The climate of impunity is the greatest frustration at present. This has suffocated criticism and severed possibilities of a dialogue amidst the populous for a negotiated settlement.
Do you see this as conflict as an “ethnic crisis” or “terrorist problem”? Why?
The conflict is neither an ethnic crisis nor a terrorist problem. As explained above, ‘The roots of the ethnic conflict in Sri Lanka stem from an imbalance created by the lack of devolution of power’. This root cause is responsible for the creation of racial tensions and terrorism. These are the consequences of the real cause and to deal with the real cause is the only way to find a solution. Nevertheless, one must not forget the fact that the Tamils and the Muslims have to continue to agitate for the determination of their rights. This is a valid and non-violent struggle and must not be confused with the ‘violent rebellion’ that is being fought for the wrong reasons. We must also acknowledge that there are a few Tamil political groups that are pushing for a negotiated settlement as a solution to the issues faced by the Tamil community.
What do you see as the biggest challenges ahead if this conflict was resolved militarily?
The scars of the wars will not be healed and will only be smudged out. The country will be broken economically. There will be more frustration and disillusionment on both sides.
Do you agree with the war? Would you rather have a military solution or a political solution?
War is a farce, a game, a business. A political solution no matter how trying, is the only way towards a positive solution to the conflict.
Security and Terrorism
How do you define terrorism?
Violating human dignity on a mass scale through murder, rape, torture, proscription and creating terror in the mindsets of people through abductions, threats and extortions amount to terrorism.
What is your opinion on policies which are reflected towards ensuring national
security? What do you believe are practical measures to ensure the policies integrity?
To have an opinion on the policies implemented by the GoSL in terms of national security is impractical since these policies are mostly void of transparency. Nevertheless, the most important of all mechanisms or regulations under current implementation is the Emergency Regulations and has resulted in grave human rights violations. The government must take measures to repeal or revise the Emergency Regulations to bring it into line with international human rights standards.
State sponsored terrorism to terrorism in the belief of a struggle for a state? How do we move away from the notion of a “War on Terrorism” or “War of Liberation” to creating a future for all communities?
It all boils down to the choices that we as Sri Lankan citizens take. Despite the current conflict being taken out of the control of its citizens, supporting the belief that war is the only means to achieving peace or indifference to what is happening around us are the main elements that need urgent change. This is the lifeline of both ‘state terrorism’ as well as the ‘war of liberation’. The only way to move away from these attitudes is by mobilising the masses for a social movement for change. This is the only way towards uniting the communities and putting what the people really want on to the political agenda.
What are its eventual conclusions?
The eventual conclusion would be the achievement of a political settlement to the conflict.
What should be the role of the international community in matters of terrorism?
Terrorism and the ‘War on Terrorism’ has become a dirty word. It is being blatantly used by the US to undermine human rights and human dignity. As in the Sri Lankan context, terrorism is really the consequence of the root problem. Therefore, the international community must address these root causes in order to address this issue. This has become an era of new wars. A time where greater importance towards human rights and dignity has increased while at the same time methods of destruction and annihilation in the name of development and empire building has become the end game in today’s political schizophrenia.
What are the barriers to a lasting peace?
Impunity, apathy, the business of national, regional and international politics, intra-nationalism and long-distance nationalism
As a community what practical steps can we take to ensure the integrity and safety of moderate politicians?
At present, moderate politicians are almost non-existent. A community that upholds the rule of law, ensuring that the mechanisms responsible for its implementation and that the checks and balances are functioning will also ensure the integrity and safety of moderate politicians.
How do we integrate former armed groups working outside the elements of the state?
This is an important aspect of Transitional Justice. Once hostilities have ended and a settlement has been reached by the warring factions these armed groups can enter the democratic stream as separate political groups or join into existing political groups. Blanket amnesty, truth and reconciliation processes etc. will all play a very important role in this period of transition. But this is in a post-war scenario. If we are considering a war-time scenario as Sri Lanka is in at present, armed groups can join the political mainstream similar to what we see with the TMVP. Unfortunately, the situation in Sri Lanka is not happening the way it should. The TMVP have still not renounced violence and weapons. Furthermore, we are in the midst of a regime which wields ‘state terror’ to supposedly control the security situation in the country. Therefore, groups like TMVP become ‘mercenaries’ of the State.
Human Rights
What measures are needed to protect women and children? How do we as a community protect their rights?
Everything revolves around the breakdown of the rule of law and the lack of a democratic government which is concerned with the rights of its peoples. A community as a whole cannot safeguard the rights of its people. That is not the duty of the community. The Government as representatives of the people must fulfil this role. But if the government is malfunctioning the community must revolt through a social movement to aggressively push for change.
How do we ensure that human rights do not become compromised for the end goal of each stakeholder to the conflict?
The only way, is to ensure that the masses agitate for a political solution to the conflict and ensure that this becomes the only means to an end to the conflict.
What avenues do we utilize practical solutions to the following issues: Child soldiers, Political assassinations, Sponsored disappearances, War crimes, Torture, Sexual abuse, Collateral damage & Treatment of IDP’s
Once again these issues cannot be addressed if there is ‘state terror’ and a breakdown in the rule of law. The Government and its institutions which have been established to uphold democracy and the rights of its peoples must function effectively to find solutions to all of these issues.
What are the roles of Non government organisations? What can we do to ensure the support of independent verification of crimes committed?
NGOs play an important role. They must be the conduit between the masses and other stakeholders to the ethnic conflict. Furthermore, given the current situation they must proactively work towards creating processes for a social movement which will aggressively push for a change in the current scenario in Sri Lanka. Many NGO’s have been collecting information on human rights abuses during the last couple of years directly related to the conflict. Furthermore, experiences with presidential commissions established to investigate crimes have not been successful due to control and pressure of the Government. An independent and preferably an international body will be able to effectively investigate human rights violations and acquire the necessary evidence for future prosecutions. These investigations apart from identifying the perpetrators very importantly provide the closure that is necessary for victims and their families.
Do you believe that there should be international human rights monitoring and why?
When there is ‘state’ as well as ‘non-state’ terror, monitoring by an international group is essential. Even if it is merely to record incidents it is important, and will ensure that all violations are placed on record. Eventually this information could be used to bring the perpetrators to justice.
How do we define the rights of self determination?
Self-determination is widely defined by ‘as free choice of one’s own acts without external compulsion, and especially as the freedom of the people of a given territory to determine their own political status or independence from their current state’. National self-determination challenges the principle of sovereignty. Many states, considering demands for minority rights decentralize or devolve greater decision-making power to new or existing subunits or even autonomous areas. In Sri Lanka it is clearly a minority issue and in this light the ‘devolution of power’ is the only way for a practical and fair step towards ‘self-determination’. Through this we will be able to ensure a proportionate devolution of power to not only to the minority Tamils but to the minority Muslims as well. This will have positive implications on the economy and well being of Sri Lanka as a whole.
What steps do we take for demobilization and disarmament when a settlement has been reached?
The basis for Demobilisation, Disarmament and Rehabilitation is a peace agreement. There are many conditions that need to be in place for the DDR process to become a reality.
- There must be consent between the warring factions.
- The support of armed leaders, troop commanders or warlords who will have command and control over combatants
- A realistic timeline for the DDR must be stipulated in the peace agreement with room for flexibility for any challenges that might crop up during the process
- The commitment of donors will accelerate the process
- Defining groups and contingents to demobilised should be stipulated clearly in the peace agreement
- A commission must be put in place to monitor the DDR process. This can be supported by a neutral international monitoring body to infuse trust between the stakeholders
- Time frame and a clearly outlined, easily accessible Assembly Area must be also stipulated
Once a system with all these aspects have been put in place the DDR process can be effectively implemented.
[1] Diaspora and Conflict: Locality, long distance nationalism and delocalisation of conflict dynamics, Jolle Demmers
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